Posts Tagged ‘cities’

Olympics, debt and repression: An interview with Andrew Zimbalist

Monday, August 8th, 2016

Andrew Zimbalist is professor of economics at Smith College and author of Circus Maximus: The Economic Gamble Behind Hosting the Olympics and the World Cup, which The Guardian newspaper has called “A remarkable study that exposes the extraordinary chicanery and dodgy dealing behind staging the Olympics and the World Cup.” Zimbalist was one of the leading voices in the successful No Boston Olympics movement.

SB: Wherever they are hosted, the legacy of the Olympics is one of private affluence, public austerity. Why do cities continue to compete so fiercely to host the Games?

AZ:  Like most investments, the Olympics reproduce class relations; in that respect they are not peculiar. As a public investment, the Olympics reflect politicians’ ties to private capital and politicians are responsive to important voices and sources of power in the community.  If you’re a Mayor and the head of the largest construction firm in the city or three execs from the largest companies come to you and say “the Olympics would be good for the city, and by the way, there are 50,000 unionized construction workers and they like the idea too, and I can bring along some executives from the insurance industry and the hospitality sector.”  Mayors will listen. Combine this with the fact that the IOC has a very well honed public relations mantra that it uses about how the Games will bring tourists into the city, put the city on the world map and excite businessmen from around the world who would want to come and invest in your city and all these other things that they say, and then they go out and they hire a private consultant firm to make some estimates about the economic impact and the private consulting firm gets paid a couple of million dollars, they use a false methodology with unrealistic assumptions and they come out with an example that you would expect. They have a very well studied program about how to get these things through.

SB:  And yet it’s now well-known that the Olympics leaves behind huge public debts.

AZ: Here’s how it works; it goes in cycles. Back when Los Angeles was awarded the 1984 Olympics in 1978, it was the only city that was willing to bid (editor’s note: this followed the 1976 Montreal Olympics which stuck Quebec taxpayers with a $1.5 billion bill).  LA was successful for a variety of unique reasons, primarily because of the city’s bargaining position with the IOC.  Because they were successful, then other cities looked at that and they said “oh, you can do this successfully,” and they wanted to do it, and then what happened was the costs of hosting started to explode.  The costs started going into tens of billions of dollars and then cities started to lose interest again. Most recently five European cities dropped out of the competition for the 2020 Winter Olympics. The IOC was smart enough to realize that they had to switch the gestalt.  They had to produce cleaner images of what the Olympics could be and so they passed a reform agenda. Agenda 2020, as its known, has all these nice resounding phrases in it about being more flexible, looking for bids where the city doesn’t waste money and putting more emphasis on sustainability.  So far, those are just words, but they’ve been relatively successful: the number of bidders for the 2024 games is up to four.

SB:  Do the protest movements that spring up around the Olympic bids and the actual Games have an impact? Take Rio as an example.

AZ:  They will have some impact, but it’s very hard to detect the direct line from the protests to who gets influenced by it or general impact.  One thing that’s going to happen— it’s already happening in Rio—is that you are going to get a lot more repression during the Games; you’re going to get a militarization of the streets.  Rio will have 85,000 security personnel trying to make sure there is no disruption and it’s going to be very regimented and very harsh. That’s the way that they are going to try to contain protests and try to stop them from spilling out onto the streets.

SB:  Do you think it’s more likely that authoritarian governments will increasingly host the Games? Places where dissent is more easily quashed without public outcry?

AZ: Yes, probably it’s more likely.  However, that’s going to be mediated by the IOC’s concern for its image.  So I think it’s hard to predict, but it makes it more likely certainly that the IOC is going to look for host cities and societies where it’s less likely that there will be dissent, protest, and disruptions.

(This interview was edited and condensed for length)

A version of this article appeared in Canadian Dimension magazine, volume 50 number 3, Summer 2016.

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Youth violence in Toronto and our hierarchy of victimhood

Friday, August 3rd, 2012

Last year in the city of Chicago, nearly 700 young people were hit by gunfire; 66 of them died. The vast majority of victims were African-American and Latino youth living in the city’s racialized low-income neighbourhoods. A recent analysis found that 8.5 per cent of Chicago (in terms of geography) contained almost all of the city’s shootings and homicides.

The mayor of Chicago insists that his city is safe. After all, around 90 per cent of neighbourhoods are not affected by youth gang and gun violence. This year, programs designed to reduce violence are being cut along with Chicago’s education budget.

While not as extreme in its geographic concentration, youth violence in Toronto is more likely to occur in our low-income postwar suburbs and pockets of racialized poverty in the downtown core than in white, middle-class neighbourhoods or shared spaces such as Yonge St.

As the 2008 report “The Roots of Youth Violence” found, while crime rates are stable “severe violence is apparently becoming more and more concentrated among socially disadvantaged minority youth.” The report concluded that the roots of youth violence are often found in poor, socially deprived neighbourhoods: the immediate risk factors of impulsivity, low self-esteem, alienation, hopelessness and lack of voice are compounded by longer-term issues of racism, poverty, community design, barriers to education and a lack of economic opportunity. The social exclusion of racialized youth and the alienation and denial of full citizenship they experience must be addressed.

When violence migrates from Toronto’s racialized low-income neighbourhoods into the spaces of commerce and tourism central to our city’s sense of collective safety, identity and international reputation, our public discourse shifts, government officials react and respond, and we reveal a hierarchy of victimhood and trauma that contravenes principles of equality.

On Dec. 26, 2005, 15-year-old Jane Creba was tragically killed while shopping on Yonge St. Between December 2005 and last Saturday’s Eaton Centre shooting, our city has lost 20-year-old Allen Benn, 24-year-old Amin Aafi, 19-year-old Yonathan Musse, 23-year-old Ricardo Francis, 25-year-old Michael George, 19-year-old Richard Gyamfi, 23-year-old David Latchana, 25-year-old Fitawrari Lunan, 21-year-old Kimel Foster, 19-year-old Kevon Hall, 18-year-old Keegan Allen, 19-year-old Ryan Hyde, 18-year-old Delane Daley, and 16-year-old Keyon Campbell.

This is a partial list of young people, racialized men in particular, lost to violence in only one of those intervening years, 2007.

These names, along with those such as Andrew Naidoo, Sealand White, Jermaine Derby, Lorenzo Martinez and Okene Thompson, are not as well-known as that of Jane Creba. Their deaths did not invoke statements from the mayor, they were not the topic of talk radio, and they did not occupy the front page of the newspapers.

When shots were fired in the Eaton Centre last Saturday, leaving 24-year old Ahmed Hassan dead and six people injured, it was not the names of these young men that tripped off the tongue of police officers, news broadcasters and elected officials.

Nor was it the name of Chantal Dunn, a 19-year-old black student at York University, who was murdered in 2006 in the Keele and Sheppard area, another victim of gun violence. Nor mother of three Rachel Alleyne, also a young black woman, shot to death in 2007 while socializing with friends in a backyard at Jane and Driftwood .

After the 2005 Boxing Day shooting, politicians of all stripes talked tough on crime, adopting a law-and-order rhetoric thought to match the mood of an outraged public. Premier Dalton McGuinty met with Toronto Police Chief Bill Blair and told him to come up with a strategy to deal with “gang and gun” violence. Talk to front-line agencies that work in the city’s “priority neighbourhoods” and they will tell you that in the wake of the Boxing Day shooting, funds became more readily available for “at-risk youth” intervention and crime reduction programs.

Following the Eaton Centre shooting a well-known Toronto journalist wrote: “Frankly, I don’t much care if hoods want to bump each other off . . . Saves the rest of us a lot of trouble . . . Hell, I’d even jail the targeted ‘victims’ of gang hits, should they survive the attempted rub-out. Usually, they asked for it.”

Racism can be understood in part as the collective denial of the humanity of “the other.” Unlike those deemed “innocent,” poor, racialized young men impacted by youth violence are our “urban other.” Victims and perpetrators alike are spoken of as “hoods,” “gang-affiliated” or “known to police,” never as “citizens,” full members of our community. They are criminalized in life and in death. This “othering” is a form of violence in and of itself.

In our city it is the trauma and victimhood of those seldom exposed to gun violence that is prioritized. In response to last Saturday’s events, a headline on a Toronto Star column said, “It could have been any of us; it wounds all of us.” Yet the reality remains that the primary victims of gun violence in our city are poor, racialized youth. And the primary sites of this violence are those neighbourhoods these youth call home.

All our young people’s lives are precious. We have at our disposal the resources and policy know-how to address youth violence. We have countless studies that show what works in reducing violence and victimization. We know how to build safer and healthier communities.

What we are missing is the political will. The main barrier to generating that will is the hierarchy of victimhood and trauma that governs our approach to youth violence. Only when poor, racialized youth are no longer seen as urban “others” will we realize our collective responsibility to address youth violence.

 

Published in The Toronto Star, June 6 2012

Discussing the UK riots on DisRespect Radio

Thursday, September 15th, 2011

Thanks to host Geoff Langhorne for inviting me on DisRespect Radio to discuss the UK riots. We had a great conversation that covered the sources of urban unrest and the prospects for future riots in the UK and beyond. Here’s a link to the podcast. 

1763-1-disRSept1LondonRiotsVol1to58m50.mp3

Who speaks for urban youth?

Friday, April 29th, 2011

In my latest op-ed for The Toronto Star, I explore the issues facing urban youth this election.

Which party speaks for urban youth this federal election? Over the past few weeks, media commentators have pointed to two important trends: First, Canada is an urban nation, with 15 million eligible voters living in urban regions across the country. Second, voter turnout among young people is depressingly low: there are 3 million eligible voters under the age of 25, yet less than a third are likely to cast a ballot come Election Day.

Polling suggests young people favour the Greens, Liberals and New Democrats: parties which have demonstrated some commitment—however limited—to urban issues in this campaign. A politically engaged youth is thus important for the civic and social health of our urban regions. But as comedian Rick Mercer has quipped, “as far as any political parties are concerned,” young people “might as well be dead.”

As any political scientist will tell you, in a pluralist liberal democracy, those who make the most noise—by voting, organizing, lobbying—are more likely to have their issues addressed by government. Pluralism implies many groups of relatively equal power jockeying for position and influence in political life. We live however in a country of great social and economic inequality where money and power, two things youth lack, go a long way to securing an audience with the governing classes. Young people have power in numbers, but organizing and exercising that power around common interests is never easy. Through advocacy groups and party politics, seniors have flexed their political muscle this election, pushing the parties to address their immediate concerns, from home care to public pensions; youth have yet to flex theirs.

Urban youth have their own issues: Environmental sustainability and the liveability of cities are major concerns. The young are more frequent users of public transit and would benefit from a federal role in building the green transportation infrastructure our country so desperately needs.  Funding for the arts and athletics are also a priority of urban youth, who recognize their value in facilitating creative expression and promoting social cohesion in the highly diverse landscapes of Canadian cities.

Then there are the myriad social problems facing many of today’s urban youth; problems the political parties have failed to highlight this campaign. For instance, in Toronto 40% of Black students do not graduate from high school. Drug addicted youth in Vancouver’s downtown east side struggle to secure housing and access to services. Racialized youth face discrimination and outright racism in urban labour markets and in their contact with police and the criminal justice system. The young are disproportionately represented in the ranks of our cities’ precariously employed; those workers struggling to make ends meet working temporary, part-time, or multiple jobs with low-wages and few benefits. And there are the extremely high rates of poverty and incarceration of young aboriginal people in cities such as Winnipeg and Regina.

As in any federal system, politicos will squabble over whose jurisdiction these issues fall under. It’s time to move beyond these squabbles and recognize that urban youth, and our cities in general, would benefit from a strong federal urban presence and the development of a federally-led urban strategy. Stephen Harper explicitly opposes such a notion; he’s committed to a model of governance in which the feds do not ‘interfere’ in the business of the provinces and municipalities.

But a top-down, one-size-fits all approach from the feds is not desirable either: Municipal governments are best placed to evaluate the needs of local populations, including youth. Cities have been important drivers in the design and innovation of Canadian social services and social programs. Any federal urban strategy with a youth component should recognise this and respect the diversity of Canadian cities. For instance, a program to address street gangs (with gang-exit and gang-intervention initiatives) in a city such as Regina in which aboriginal youth are disproportionately involved in gang life, will necessarily take a different form than programs in Montreal or Toronto. 

In any progressive era of Canadian politics, the federal government has exercised its federal spending power to alter Canada’s approach to issues that were essentially within provincial jurisdiction. In the fields of education, welfare, and health care, the feds have influenced provincial and municipal policies and program standards. Beyond providing necessary funding to cash-strapped cities, a federal urban youth strategy could establish a set of principles which govern access to programs and services without becoming excessively involved in their design and delivery. Pairing universal programs with targeted investments based on the social citizenship, social rights, and democratic participation and engagement of young people is vital to building such a strategy.

But an urban youth strategy is not likely to emerge unless it is fought for and demanded by young people themselves. In urban centers across our country, many youth are active in the civic life of our cities, but often in ways that don’t conform to the politics-as-usual of parties and elections. Other youth speak the language of distress and despair, with gunshots or requests for spare change on our city streets. Whatever the manifestation of their voice, politicians ignore urban youth at our cities peril.

Published in The Toronto Star online edition, April 29 2011, @ www.thestar.com

The Shock Doctrine, Toronto Style

Saturday, April 23rd, 2011

The Shock Doctrine is coming to Toronto! In my latest contribution to Canadian Dimension, I argue that Mayor Rob Ford’s strategy has much in common with the right-wing machinations   documented in Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism

I doubt Rob Ford reads Naomi Klein. Between studying committee reports and football playbooks, the new Mayor likely doesn’t have the time or the inclination to keep up with Canada’s most prolific left-wing journalist. Nevertheless, Ford’s approach to urban governance cannily resembles the political strategies of right-wing politicians laid bare in Klein’s international bestseller The Shock Doctrine.

The book traces how, beginning in the 1970s, neo-liberals and neo-conservatives have exploited crises (economic and otherwise) to advance an agenda of deep cuts to social spending, government deregulation and privatization. Nobel-prize winning economist Paul Krugman calls the shock doctrine an “agenda that has nothing to do with resolving crises, and everything to do with imposing their (the right’s) vision of a harsher, more unequal, less democratic society.”

Take the case of post-Katrina New Orleans. In the wake of the disaster, think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute (Canada’s equivalent to the Fraser Institute) and Republican politicians descended on the city, pushing the privatization of public housing and public education, dismantling what little of a welfare state New Orleans had. This served the ‘free market’ ideology, most clearly articulated by American conservative Grover Norquist, who once said “I don’t want to abolish government. I simply want to reduce it to the size where I can drag in into the bathroom and drown it in the bathtub.” But privatization also served the corporate interests close to the Bush administration who cashed in on the fire sale of public assets. New Orleanians, displaced and distraught, had little say in the matter.

Canadian neoconservatives have long casted an envious eye at their American cousins, and Toronto’s new Mayor has surrounded himself with strategists and backroom players whose membership in the Conservative Party, the Canadian Taxpayer’s Federation, and think tanks like the Fraser Institute neatly overlap. The Common Sense revolutionaries, many of whom cut their political teeth in the downloading and amalgamation years of the Mike Harris Tories (from which the city has yet to financially recover), have reappeared in urban guise, finally having won control over a much sought after prize: the left-leaning City of Toronto, with its myriad social programs and ‘big government.’

Yet according to the logic of the shock doctrine, Ford’s team needs a crisis to push through its agenda. Since only 25% of eligible Torontonians voted for Ford, a full-scale assault on the City’s social services would not be popular. Fortunately for Ford, he rose to office during a world economic crisis that left many Torontonians more economically insecure, wary of tax increases and ‘misspent’ tax dollars. From Europe to North America, governments are calling for ‘austerity’ in the name of debt reduction and fiscal balance. Ford won the election by articulating a simple narrative of what was wrong with the city: too much wasteful spending; City Hall’s so-called gravy train. Ford named lavish retirement parties and councillors’ penchants for taking taxis, cleverly avoiding labelling the City’s social services ‘gravy.’

Most Torontonians do not regard nutritional programs for low-income children or green energy initiatives as wasteful spending. Many agree that such programs are the markers of a world-class city. While people are rightly concerned when councillors casually spend tax-payer dollars on superfluous expenses or when a public agency is careless with its budget, actual instances of this are few and far between. Ford’s strategy has hinged on reframing most, if not all, government spending as inherently wasteful. To his chagrin, potential allies on Council, like Mary-Margaret McMahon, have discovered that “the gravy’s not flowing through city hall like originally expected.”

The second crisis that has opened the door for Ford’s agenda is the crisis of confidence in public institutions. The outdoor workers’ strike, the media hammering of errant TTC employees and the events at Toronto Community Housing have all played nicely into the Mayor’s hands.

Union-busting is at the centre of the shock doctrine, as public-sector unions are the first line of defence against cuts, deregulation and privatization. As Klein notes, in post-Katrina New Orleans, the introduction of charter schools (effectively privatizing public education) broke the back of the teachers’ union. More recently, the Republican governor facing a fiscal crisis in Wisconsin has wiped out the collective bargaining rights of almost all public sector employees.

With a complicit provincial government, Ford has succeeded in designating the TTC an ‘essential service’ and plans to privatize garbage collection, effectively firing the city’s unionized employees. The Toronto Community Housing ‘scandal’ has provided the Mayor with the necessary excuse to review the City’s role in public housing, again with an eye to privatization. We can expect Ford to shed the City’s unionized public child care centres in the next round of budget cuts, contracting care to non-union, for-profit providers. Freezing property taxes and eliminating the vehicle registration tax ensure the need for increased user fees and higher TTC fares; creeping, less obvious, forms of privatization.

The Ford agenda has very little to do with resolving a ‘crisis,’ real or perceived, and everything to do with remaking Toronto in a right-wing image: a leaner, meaner city, where the market is free and the public sector and its unions disciplined.

Published on CanadianDimension.com 

Remixing urban education

Sunday, January 30th, 2011

In my latest op-ed on urban issues for The Toronto Star, I discuss the legacy of a little-known urban arts program that developed a number of Canada’s finest hip hop and Rn’B artists. 

Rappers Kardinal Offishal and Saukrates, singer Jully Black, and video director Lil’ X may not be familiar names to Torontonians over the age of 40, but anyone born after 1969 who loves hip hop and R and B is aware of these artists’ foundational roles in Canada’s urban music culture.

Beyond their shared talents, what these names have in common is a little-known initiative of Ontario’s NDP government: a program called Fresh Arts. Fresh Arts was developed under the umbrella of JobsOntario Youth, part of the larger JobsOntario training and employment program the NDP government introduced to address the labour market fallout of the early ’90s recession.

Fresh Arts attracted young people of colour from areas the City now designates as ‘priority neighbourhoods.’ Then, like today, these neighbourhoods were characterized by large immigrant populations, racialized poverty, and high unemployment; most strikingly, youth unemployment.

Staffed by dedicated community activists, Fresh Arts paired mentors from theatre, music and the visual arts with ambitious young artists whose styles and talents were marginalized both by their lack of economic resources and an arts sector that failed to reflect Toronto’s cultural diversity. It was in Fresh Arts that Toronto’s budding urban talents accessed the funding, education, and networks necessary to propel them to successful careers and years of ambassadorship for the city.

Part of the impetus for Fresh Arts was the Stephen Lewis Report on Race Relations in Ontario. The report was commissioned by then-premier Bob Rae following the Yonge Street Riot of May 1992, when simmering tensions between black youth and Toronto police reached a boiling point. According to Rae, the riot “served to remind everyone that there were systemic problems that were not being addressed.”

Lewis documented the social exclusion faced, particularly, by black youth in Toronto and throughout Ontario. Yet like other efforts to address systemic racism that stemmed from the Report (such as the Anti-Racism Secretariat), Fresh Arts fell victim to Mike Harris’s ‘Common Sense Revolution.’ Harris ended JobsOntario Youth, and with it, Fresh Arts.

The spirit of the now legendary program lives on in the Remix Project, a community arts hub which provides space for Toronto’s new generation of urban artists to flourish. Remix participants come primarily from the City’s Priority Neighbourhoods.

Once accepted into Remix, participants are matched with an established mentor who guides them through an intensive program which helps them earn credits toward a high school diploma, apply for post-secondary education and scholarships, or access start-up money for small business projects.

Remix ran on a modest budget until 2005, when Toronto’s ‘Summer of the Gun’ led to increased funding from both the federal and municipal governments, and various foundations. Since then, however, government funding has been minimal, and Remix has had to rely on the goodwill of individual donors and foundations to survive.

With over 200 graduates now making their way in the urban arts sector, Remix has improved the lives of some of the city’s most vulnerable youth. As one recent graduate told me, “Remix showed me the right path when I was in a dark place…the program gives us the opportunity to see another way for our lives. We’re not treated like charity cases, but respected by our peers.”

As the dominance of market logic eclipses social citizenship, programs like Remix are forced to depend on private and charitable sector partnerships to survive. Ultimately, this is what separates a program like Remix from one like Fresh Arts, and charity from social justice.

Although it had minimal funding, mostly from the government, Fresh Arts was grounded in the belief that young people from marginalized communities should have access to resources that better their lives—by virtue of social rights, not the tenuous goodwill of private individuals and corporate philanthropy.

Remix’s funding is neither stable nor predictable, which makes long-term planning difficult.

Indeed, as policy wonks trumpet the idea of the ‘creative city’ and the economic benefits of a vibrant cultural sector, it’s confounding why projects like Remix should have to struggle for every dollar. The city and the province must do more to support such proven successes.

Yet visions of what we can achieve collectively through government are threatened by promises of cutbacks and ‘tax savings’. As the latest city budget demonstrated, cuts to services are the order of the day, with our new Mayor promising more in the near future.

This is short-sighted. Fresh Arts demonstrated the potential of community-driven programs partnering with government to improve the lives of the city’s marginalized youth. Remix is now doing the same. Programs like these are not part of a “gravy train”; as the success of Fresh Arts and Remix graduates demonstrate, they are smart social investments that benefit us all.

Moreover, they are central to building a strong, socially inclusive city that is creative, prosperous, and just.

Published in The Toronto Star Jan 30 2011

A bad week in In-Between City

Friday, May 14th, 2010

Last week was not a good one to be living in the “in-between city,” the term urbanists use to describe areas wedged between the outer suburbs — with their sprawling residential neighbourhoods — and the downtown core of office towers, condos and cultural institutions.

In Toronto, the in-between city roughly corresponds to the postwar suburbs, or inner suburbs, that grew with the booming economy of the 1950s and ’60s. As urban researchers at York University’s City Institute have observed, their highrises, diverse immigrant populations and lower-than-average incomes are the stuff of the inner city; but their bungalows, strip malls and wide roads are quintessentially suburban.

It is in the in-between city that “one finds some of the most pronounced urban contradictions” — think of resource-wealthy places like the University of Toronto Scarborough campus shoulder to shoulder with one of the city’s troubled priority neighbourhoods, Kingston-Galloway.

Socio-economically, the in-between city overlaps with what researchers at the U of T’s Centre for Urban and Community Studies have called Toronto’s “third city,” which consists of areas with high concentrations of racialized poverty, where incomes have decreased 20 per cent or more over the past 30 years. City Number 1, which has seen phenomenal income growth, is the richer and whiter downtown core and swanky neighbourhoods clustered around the city’s two subway lines. Toronto’s demographically mixed middle-income neighbourhoods — or City Number 2 — are diminishing in number as we become a more socially, economically and geographically polarized metropolis.

As a confluence of events last week demonstrates, life in the in-between city is not easy.

Take Jane and Finch, a typical neighbourhood of the in-between city. First we had the ongoing wrangling between the provincial government and Mayor David Miller over the future of Transit City. The last Liberal budget deferred $4 billion in funding for light rail lines on Sheppard, Finch and Eglinton, as well as the Scarborough rapid transit route. For Jane-Finch residents, the Finch West LRT promised to better integrate the neighbourhood into Toronto’s urban fabric, cutting down frustratingly long commute times, providing better access to the social, economic and cultural resources of the rest of the city, and ending years of institutionalized exclusion caused by inadequate public transit.

Residents of the in-between city have the furthest distances to travel for employment but suffer the poorest access to TTC subway lines. According to the U of T’s Three Cities study, only 16 of the TTC’s 68 stations are within or near the city’s poor neighbourhoods.

Next we saw the Toronto District School Board unveil money-saving plans to close one of Jane-Finch’s public schools. While the board sees this action as rationalizing the use of its resources, Jane-Finch residents see it as an attack on their already precarious social infrastructure. They said as much in a meeting at Brookview Middle School with more than 250 parents packing the gymnasium to register their opposition to the TDSB’s plans.

With much of the city’s social and community services located below the Bloor/Danforth line, in-between neighbourhoods such as Jane-Finch have been underserviced for years, especially given the community’s pressing needs. For residents, school closures do little to address the deficit of educational resources, child care, parks and recreation, and health services that detrimentally impact the neighbourhood’s population.

If school closures and transit cuts weren’t enough, we had the latest Toronto Police Services raid targeting street gangs operating in the city’s northwest. As many of the neighbourhood’s youth and community leaders have repeatedly argued, such raids effectively prune the branches of violence, while leaving the social and economic root intact. New recruits take the place of incarcerated members as gangs quickly reorganize to protect their turf in a drug economy fuelled by demand that is largely external to impoverished neighbourhoods like Jane-Finch.

The week also saw the tragic death of well-known neighbourhood teenager Junior Alexander Manon near York University. According to initial news reports, Manon and an acquaintance were pulled over by police on Steeles Ave. Manon fled on foot and the officers gave chase. Police claim that the teen then collapsed. Manon was pronounced dead at York-Finch Hospital.

After viewing Manon’s body at the morgue, his family’s lawyer Selwyn Peters spoke with the press. As the Star reported, Peters said: “There was blood all over. He had a neck brace on. His eyes were black and blue. The issue of a heart attack is a fiction. It seems he died from physical force. He was a healthy young person.” Witnesses claim Manon was beaten by the police.

While we mourn the loss of this well-liked teen, Manon’s death has serious ramifications for police-community relations. The incident only adds to the tension and mutual suspicion that has existed for years between police and Jane-Finch residents.

Accusations of police brutality threaten any bonds of trust police may have built with residents in past years. Furthermore, the use of force undermines the city’s “soft” approach to youth violence, which focuses on education, intervention and diversion. Youth will not engage a police force that subjects them to routine intimidation and harassment.

But all is not despair: the in-between city is a city of activists, concerned parents, urban entrepreneurs and young leaders. Independent media outlets like Jane-Finch.com cover community issues and give young people a voice that they don’t have in the mainstream media.

Groups such as the Black Action Defence Committee are engaged in gang exit, youth employment and leadership development programs. Jane-Finch Action Against Poverty, the St. Alban’s Boys and Girls Club, and youth drop-in The SPOT are all working around issues of social justice, effectively mitigating the marginalization experienced by their community.

Across Toronto, in neighbourhoods like Jane-Finch, hundreds of community organizations work tirelessly on issues of transit justice, tenant rights and food security, sometimes with the help of the city through initiatives like the Neighbourhood Action Plan and Youth Challenge Fund, and often on shoestring budgets.

Such efforts give residents of the in-between city hope. Hope that one day their lives will not include the drama of police raids, struggling schools, low wages and long commutes. Hope that governments at all levels will recognize the need for a comprehensive urban agenda that combats social exclusion and addresses the needs of the in-between city.

And when you’ve lived through a week like the one just passed, hope may well be the one thing needed most.

Published in The Toronto Star, May 14 2010

Sports, spectacle, and … socialism? A conversation with Roger Keil

Saturday, May 8th, 2010

Roger Keil is director of the City Institute at York University and member of the International Network for Urban Research and Action. He is the author of Los Angeles: Globalization, Urbanization, and Social Struggles (John Wiley & Sons Ltd) and co-author with Julie-Anne Boudreau and Douglas Young of Changing Toronto: Governing Urban Neoliberalism (University of Toronto Press). I spoke with him at the City Institute in Toronto.

Simon Black: Cities worldwide, often with the support of higher levels of governments, are competing intensely to host sporting spectacles like the Olympics or Pan-Am Games. Such events can leave cities with significant amounts of debt in addition to other social and ecological costs. What’s the logic driving this competition? What does this tell us about the nature of global capitalism today and the role of cities within it?

Roger Keil: This is not really a new development but I think the composition of the capital outlays and the purpose of the investment has changed. The great nationalist or Fordist Olympics that came to an end in Munich 1972 and couldn’t be resuscitated in Montreal (after the global crisis of 1973) actually did have a return on public investment. In Munich, the infrastructure advanced for 1972 is still a visible part of everyday life in that city today. We know what happened in Montreal and that disaster set off the new neoliberal Olympics of Los Angeles where the public paid and private corporations have the benefits.

As is typical for the differentiations of post-Fordist, neoliberal capitalism, every Olympics has a specific genius loci. What might be beneficial in Barcelona or Lillehammer where social democratic redistribution worked to a degree, may be catastrophic in places like Seoul, Athens or Atlanta. Where does Vancouver sit in this mosaic of global possibilities? Where would Toronto sit vis-à-vis the Pan-Am Games? This will still depend on what the regional compromise will allow the public to claw back in terms of housing, infrastructure and other amenities brought in for the Games. What we do know is that the Los Angeles model (where private entrepreneurship under Peter Ueberroth organized the Games but general corporate sponsorship was still rather underdeveloped) was in total overdrive in Vancouver where RBC, Coke and a few others didn’t just manage the Games themselves but started to reorganize and rebrand the entire urban fabric, public space and even the narratives which were constructed about the games.

SB: How successful have activists been in resisting this logic? What type of urban coalitions have activists formed and with what strength?

RK: Again, this is quite different in different places. Toronto has had a very successful history of resistance but this also has to be measured against the incompetence of the regional elites to sell their brand. But after former Mayor Mel Lastman made his comments about cannibals in Africa in a Barcelona hotel room, there was not too much left activists had to do to derail the project. Berlin is another good example for successful resistance. In London, things are slightly different as resistance has turned into other forms of engagement with the process of urban restructuring that the Olympics have set into train.

SB: What can activists do to turn these events to progressive ends?

RK: There are probably two things that can be done. First, one can use the Olympics as a platform for internationally recognized street action. This was done very successfully at the Olympics in Vancouver. The foreign press was full of stories about anti-poverty activism in the Downtown Eastside. Second, you can use the sports event to produce leverage for social and environmental gains. At a time when governments are sensitive to international scrutiny over their behaviour, it may be possible to collect some progressive rent from the mega-event as the organizers don’t want to look as if they were just out to make a profit. Whether such a strategy can offset the displacement and gentrification created by the event in the first place, is debatable, of course.

SB: Thanks for sharing these insights with Canadian Dimension Roger.

Published in Canadian Dimension Vol 44 (3), May/June 2010

White Snow, White People, White Lies

Wednesday, November 25th, 2009

NOTE:  Last week the Vancouver Sun reported on the B.C. government’s Assistance To Shelter Act,  which housing and anti-poverty activists called “a ‘Kidnap the Homeless Act’ and nothing more than a ploy to beautify the Downtown Eastside for the Winter 2010 Olympics”. In light of this news and the downgrading of Vancouver’s credit rating (due to huge Olympic cost overruns), I thought I’d republish this 2007 piece I wrote for Canadian Dimenson magazine. Prescient? 

Renaissance thinker Michel de Montaigne once remarked, ‘Mistrust a man who takes games too seriously; it means he doesn’t take life seriously enough.’ Thankfully those brave protestors who disrupted a ceremony marking the three-year countdown to the Vancouver Winter Olympics haven’t read Montaigne. They realize that the Games in question should be taken very seriously as they stand to impact life in Vancouver for a long time to come.

I’ve never been a fan of the Winter Olympics. For a radical like me, the Winter Games is quite obviously the preserve of the rich: rich countries and rich people. And given the global apartheid that is the world economy, it’s not only the snow that is white every four years, it’s the athletes and spectators as well. Most countries have neither the weather nor the resources to train athletes for competition in what more appropriately should be called the Games of the Global North. And whereas the poor can run, play soccer, or box with the best of them, they’re not likely to have access to the ski hills of Whistler or the bobsled runs of Western Europe.

But Vancouver’s Games look to be particularly exclusive, not only for the nature of the events themselves, but for the impact this spectacle will have on the city. As critics of Vancouver 2010 have said, the Winter Olympics stands to put a massive burden on the public purse; a burden that will be paid with cutbacks to social services and further dismantling of an already fragile provincial welfare state. This will happen despite the ‘social’ rhetoric which accompanied the organizing committee’s sales pitch to the B.C. public. They promised benefits for the broader community, poor and rich alike; business for some, housing and jobs for others. But Vancouver 2010 is shaping up to be the Games of white snow, white people, and white lies.

For the business elite and their friends in provincial government, the Games is about selling Vancouver as a competitive city, a good home for capital and investors in the Asian Pacific Rim. As they see it, in 2010 Vancouver will prove to be a city of arts and culture, good infrastructure, a decent quality of life, and a business-friendly city hall. This is the mantra of cities in a globalized economy with urban regions battling for investment, jobs and a stable tax base.

But a new highway and a bit of commodified arts and culture is not enough. The blight of homelessness and the Downtown East Side must also be erased to improve the competitive image of Vancouver and maintain the legitimacy of the Olympic project. A city can go about this type of image makeover in a number of ways. The revanchivist regime of Rudy Giuliani’s New York dealt with the ‘dangerous classes’ through a combination of intense gentrification, fuelled by a deregulated real estate market, and a law-and-order policing agenda intent on sweeping the streets clean of human debris.

Despite the best efforts of Gordon Campbell’s Liberals, many British Columbians and Vancouverites have resisted this type of social cleansing. The ‘social road’ was to be the one taken in Vancouver as the province and the city promised to address homelessness and protect the right of inner-city residents to affordable housing. However, as the Vancouver Sun reports, the Vancouver Olympics’ housing round table has found the province and city to be well off their funding targets. Vancouver requires up to $1 billion worth of support and housing in time for 2010 if the two levels of government are to meet the demands of their so-called ‘social agenda’.

Who will cough up the cash? The Financial Times reports that due to the construction boom in western Canada, the cost of preparations for the Games has steadily risen. As a result, organizers have requested a 23 per cent boost in financial support from the provincial and federal governments. For its part, the Campbell government established a $139m contingency fund for cost overruns. Yet the government claims it will only dip into this fund if it’s spending is matched by the feds. According to progressive economist Marc Lee, Campbell is sitting on a $3 billion budget surplus for 2007 and the next few fiscal years. But nothing in the B.C. Liberals record shows them to be willing to partner social justice and economic prosperity. Maybe the city will pick up the fiscal slack. This scenario makes sense for a provincial elite intent on disciplining Vancouverite’s penchant for electing left-wing councils. The public cost of the games will impose fiscal austerity on Vancouver City Hall for years to come, burying the future prospects of municipal socialism under the avalanche of a winter debt.

Published in Canadian Dimension Vol 41 (3) May/June 2007

From the Archives: Simon Black discusses urban riots on disRespect Radio

Saturday, October 24th, 2009

I make the occasional appearence on disRespect Radio, a great program hosted by Geoff Langhorne and broadcast on CFMU 93.3 fm Hamilton, Ontario. In this episode, Langhorne and I discuss last year’s Montreal riot, its causes and concomitant circumstances. Follow the link for the podcast:

http://www.radio4all.net/index.php/program/29772